Volume 18, Number 2             Summer 2001

 

 

Roberta Romano

Less is More:  Making Institutional Investor Activism a Valuable

Mechanism of Corporate Governance

 

            Institutional investors have increasingly engaged in corporate governance activities, introducing proxy proposals and negotiating with management, with a goal of improving corporate performance. As shareholder activism has increased, financial economists have sought to measure its effect on performance. This Article reviews the corporate finance literature on institutional investors’ activities in corporate governance and uses the findings of the empirical literature to inform normative recommendations for the proxy process. In brief, there is an apparent paradox: notwithstanding the development of shareholder activism and commentators’ generally positive assessments of it, the empirical research indicates that such activism has little or no effect on targeted firms’ performance. This implies that activist institutions ought to reassess their agendas, in order to use their resources more effectively. The Article takes a two-pronged approach to furthering this aim. First, it suggests a mechanism of internal control, whereby funds would engage in periodic review of their shareholder-activism programs to identify the most fruitful governance objectives. Second, it seeks ways to provide incentives to undertake such internal reevaluations, advocating elimination or significant reduction of the subsidy of proposal sponsorship under the SEC rules unless a proposal achieves substantial voting support or permitting firms’ shareholders to choose what level of subsidy they wish to provide to proposal sponsors. The estimated savings from eliminating the subsidy for proposals that fail to receive at least 40% of the votes ranges from $293 million to $1.9 billion.

 

 

Jeffrey L. Harrison

Reconceptualizing the Expert Witness: Social Costs, Current Controls

and Proposed Responses

 

Unlike virtually any other business, expert witnesses are not typically held accountable in either tort or contract law for their commercial activities. This means that many are inclined to deliver what the market demands—partisan, biased, or plainly dishonest testimony—without concern for the costs this testimony may impose on others. This immunity from the internalization of the social cost of their testimony is hard to reconcile with any moral or economic standard. Harsh judicial reactions to some experts and a slight increase in expert witness liability may signal that a change in the privileged status of experts is in the offing.

This Article examines the social costs of the current system and surveys the ways in which courts and adversely affected parties have attempted to bring expert witness excesses under control. The efforts range from judicial attempts to embarrass experts to actions by the parties retaining the expert and by those adverse to the expert. In the end, none of these measures seem to have had much effect.

Two general proposals are made. The first is to decrease appeals to judges and jurors based on institutional authority. Institutional authority—the reliance on credentials—can be misleading in two ways. First it may suggest more about the competency of the witness than is warranted. Second, it may be taken to mean that the highly credentialed expert is more likely to be objective. This is also an unwarranted inference. The second proposal is to make experts more accountable to both friendly and adverse witnesses. This liability would be based on deviations in testimony from what the expert knows or should know would be acceptable by peers in his or her area of expertise.

 

 

Lili Levi

Professionalism, Oversight, and Institution-Balancing: The Supreme

Court’s “Second Best” Plan for Political Debate on Television

 

Televised political debates have become a staple of modern elections. Proponents of open access to such debates argue that third party participation is a democratic necessity. They see as catastrophic the Supreme Court’s decision in Arkansas Educational Television Commission v. Forbes, in which a state broadcaster was given the discretion to exclude a minor party candidate from a televised debate so long as the decision was viewpoint-neutral. This Article reads the Court’s decision as a functional, “second best” solution that seeks to mediate the expressive and democratic values implicated in both open and closed-access models. More generally, the Article sees in Forbes germs of an institution-balancing vision of politics in the media. Under this approach, public broadcasters would be empowered to serve as realistic programming counterweights to the electoral coverage of the commercial media. While there are reasons to be skeptical about the ultimate effectiveness of this institution-balancing strategy, only until refined, election-specific and historically-grounded data are collected and assessed in a context-specific fashion can we begin to evaluate the Court’s approach in application.

 

 

Note

Melissa Chiang

Promoting Patient Safety: Creating a Workable Reporting System

 

Over the last year, medical error has become a prominent issue.  As policymakers and health professionals begin to address the issue, they are turning towards reporting systems as a way of determining the magnitude and nature of the problem.  This Note provides a framework for creating and evaluating useful reporting systems.  Reporting systems are important tools for describing the kinds of situations that result in medical error, but high-quality reporting requires two changes: removing legal and practical disincentives to reporting and fostering reporters’ dedication to reporting.  This Note concentrates on the legal issues and ultimately proposes a brightline rule protecting confidentiality of incident reports made for the purposes of quality management.